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<dc:title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[“Slovakia First”:Fico’s Fourth Government Changes Foreign Policy Course]]></dc:title>
<dc:title xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[“Slovakia First”:Fico’s Fourth Government Changes Foreign Policy Course]]></dc:title>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ogrodnik, Łukasz.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Slovakia]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Foreign policy]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Foreign relations]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Słowacja (od 1993)]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[polityka zagraniczna]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[stosunki zagraniczne]]></dc:subject>
<dc:description xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Warsaw]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The first 100 days of Robert Fico’s government confirmed the changes in Slovak foreign policy announced during the election campaign. The most important are the weakening of transatlantic relations and the strengthening of criticism of the EU, a reduction of support for Ukraine, and the signalling of Slovakia’s willingness to rebuild relations with Russia while strengthening relations with Hungary. This reorientation of policy, which is contrary to the interests of Poland, is reinforcing divisions in Central Europe.]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Warsaw]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[The first 100 days of Robert Fico’s government confirmed the changes in Slovak foreign policy announced during the election campaign. The most important are the weakening of transatlantic relations and the strengthening of criticism of the EU, a reduction of support for Ukraine, and the signalling of Slovakia’s willingness to rebuild relations with Russia while strengthening relations with Hungary. This reorientation of policy, which is contrary to the interests of Poland, is reinforcing divisions in Central Europe.]]></dc:description>
<dc:publisher><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:publisher>
<dc:date><![CDATA[2024.02.20]]></dc:date>
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<dc:identifier><![CDATA[http://digit.pism.pl/Content/4609/PISM%20Bulletin%20no%2029%20(2337)%2021%20February%202024.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier><![CDATA[https://digit.pism.pl/dlibra/publication/4790/edition/4609/content]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier><![CDATA[oai:digit.pism.pl:4609]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:source xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[PISM Bulletin no. 29 (2337), 2024]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Library of the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[PISM Bulletin no. 29 (2337), 2024]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Library of the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:source>
<dc:language><![CDATA[eng]]></dc:language>
<dc:relation><![CDATA[Biuletyn PISM nr 29 (2839), 2024]]></dc:relation>
<dc:relation><![CDATA[oai:digit.pism.pl:publication:4790]]></dc:relation>
<dc:rights xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:rights>
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