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<dc:title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[In the Jumble of Priorities: French Defence Policy until 2030]]></dc:title>
<dc:title xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[In the Jumble of Priorities: French Defence Policy until 2030]]></dc:title>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Maślanka, Łukasz.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[France]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Defence and security policy]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Defence expenditure]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Domestic policy]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[International security]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Francja]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[polityka obronna/polityka bezpieczeństwa]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[wydatki na obronę]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[polityka wewnętrzna]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe]]></dc:subject>
<dc:description xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Warsaw]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[President Emmanuel Macron’s outline of the Military Programming Law (LPM) for 2024-2030, presented on 20 January, assumes a nominal 30% increase in spending compared to 2019-2025. While Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the need to prepare the armed forces for high-intensity combat are cited as the reasons, strengthening French partnerships in the Indo-Pacific, the Middle East, and the Mediterranean remain an even more important goal. Geographic location, nuclear deterrence, Germany’s Zeitenwende and Poland’s military ambitions mean that the French authorities do not consider the threat from Russia to be immediate.]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Warsaw]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[President Emmanuel Macron’s outline of the Military Programming Law (LPM) for 2024-2030, presented on 20 January, assumes a nominal 30% increase in spending compared to 2019-2025. While Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the need to prepare the armed forces for high-intensity combat are cited as the reasons, strengthening French partnerships in the Indo-Pacific, the Middle East, and the Mediterranean remain an even more important goal. Geographic location, nuclear deterrence, Germany’s Zeitenwende and Poland’s military ambitions mean that the French authorities do not consider the threat from Russia to be immediate.]]></dc:description>
<dc:publisher><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:publisher>
<dc:date><![CDATA[2023.03.14]]></dc:date>
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<dc:format xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[631 KB]]></dc:format>
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<dc:identifier><![CDATA[http://digit.pism.pl/Content/4626/PISM%20Bulletin%20no%2027%20(2146)%2014%20March%20%202023.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier><![CDATA[https://digit.pism.pl/dlibra/publication/4807/edition/4626/content]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier><![CDATA[oai:digit.pism.pl:4626]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:source xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[PISM Bulletin no. 27 (2146), 2023]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Library of the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[PISM Bulletin no. 27 (2146), 2023]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Library of the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:source>
<dc:language><![CDATA[eng]]></dc:language>
<dc:relation><![CDATA[Biuletyn PISM nr 27 (2648), 2023]]></dc:relation>
<dc:relation><![CDATA[oai:digit.pism.pl:publication:4807]]></dc:relation>
<dc:rights xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:rights>
<dc:rights xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:rights>
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