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<dc:title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Future of Russia's Sovereign Internet]]></dc:title>
<dc:title xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[The Future of Russia's Sovereign Internet]]></dc:title>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Legucka, Agnieszka.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Russia]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Internet]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Social media]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Internet blockages]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Rosja]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Internet]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[media społecznościowe]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[blokady internetu]]></dc:subject>
<dc:description xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Warsaw]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[So-called "sovereign internets", which are networks cut off from the global internet, is attractive to authoritarian regimes such as Russia, China, and Iran. Russia declares that it has achieved the technical capacity to implement it, which would allow the Russian authorities more control over society but could cause problems for business. The Russian authorities therefore will limit its use to a preventive measure at key moments and for blocking foreign networks and communicators inside Russia to try to control public moods in the country.]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Warsaw]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[So-called "sovereign internets", which are networks cut off from the global internet, is attractive to authoritarian regimes such as Russia, China, and Iran. Russia declares that it has achieved the technical capacity to implement it, which would allow the Russian authorities more control over society but could cause problems for business. The Russian authorities therefore will limit its use to a preventive measure at key moments and for blocking foreign networks and communicators inside Russia to try to control public moods in the country.]]></dc:description>
<dc:publisher><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:publisher>
<dc:date><![CDATA[2021.03.29]]></dc:date>
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<dc:identifier><![CDATA[http://digit.pism.pl/Content/5159/PISM%20Bulletin%20no%2067%20(1763)%2029%20March%202021.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier><![CDATA[https://digit.pism.pl/dlibra/publication/5342/edition/5159/content]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier><![CDATA[oai:digit.pism.pl:5159]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:source xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[PISM Bulletin no. 67 (1763), 2021]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Library of the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[PISM Bulletin no. 67 (1763), 2021]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Library of the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:source>
<dc:language><![CDATA[eng]]></dc:language>
<dc:relation><![CDATA[Biuletyn PISM nr 67 (2265), 2021]]></dc:relation>
<dc:relation><![CDATA[oai:digit.pism.pl:publication:5342]]></dc:relation>
<dc:rights xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:rights>
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