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<dc:title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Specificity of Hungarian-Israeli Relations]]></dc:title>
<dc:title xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[The Specificity of Hungarian-Israeli Relations]]></dc:title>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Jóźwiak, Veronika.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Wojnarowicz, Michał.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Israel]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Hungary]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Bilateral international relations]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Izrael]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Węgry]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[dwustronne stosunki międzynarodowe]]></dc:subject>
<dc:description xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Warsaw]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Hungary under Viktor Orbán's premiership has become one of Israel's most important European partners. This is reflected in the diplomatic support for Israel by Hungary, mainly at the EU level. Close relations with Israel serve Hungary's foreign and domestic policy goals and at the same time weaken the effectiveness of the EU's Middle East policy. However, the new Israeli government may be less open to political cooperation with this country because of earlier criticism of Hungary on, for example, historical issues.]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Warsaw]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Hungary under Viktor Orbán's premiership has become one of Israel's most important European partners. This is reflected in the diplomatic support for Israel by Hungary, mainly at the EU level. Close relations with Israel serve Hungary's foreign and domestic policy goals and at the same time weaken the effectiveness of the EU's Middle East policy. However, the new Israeli government may be less open to political cooperation with this country because of earlier criticism of Hungary on, for example, historical issues.]]></dc:description>
<dc:publisher><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:publisher>
<dc:date><![CDATA[2021.07.28]]></dc:date>
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<dc:identifier><![CDATA[http://digit.pism.pl/Content/5430/PISM%20Bulletin%20no%20141%20(1837)%2028%20July%202021.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier><![CDATA[https://digit.pism.pl/dlibra/publication/5613/edition/5430/content]]></dc:identifier>
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<dc:source xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Library of the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[PISM Bulletin no. 141 (1837), 2021]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Library of the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[PISM Bulletin no. 141 (1837), 2021]]></dc:source>
<dc:language><![CDATA[eng]]></dc:language>
<dc:relation><![CDATA[Biuletyn PISM nr 141 (2339), 2021]]></dc:relation>
<dc:relation><![CDATA[oai:digit.pism.pl:publication:5613]]></dc:relation>
<dc:rights xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:rights>
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