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<dc:title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Viktor Orbán's Fourth Government at the Halfway Point]]></dc:title>
<dc:title xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Viktor Orbán's Fourth Government at the Halfway Point]]></dc:title>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Jóźwiak, Veronika.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Hungary]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Government parties]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Domestic policy]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Foreign policy]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Węgry]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[partie rządzące]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[polityka wewnętrzna]]></dc:subject>
<dc:subject xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[polityka zagraniczna]]></dc:subject>
<dc:description xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Warsaw]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The opposition's good results in the 2019 local elections did not weaken the government of Viktor Orbán. On the European stage, the extended suspension of the ruling party Fidesz's membership in the European People's Party (EPP) allowed it to avoid an escalation of its dispute with the EPP. Due to the foreseen economic slowdown, the government will focus in the remaining two years until the election on the permanent mobilisation of its electorate. In its European policy, it is preparing for both a split with the EPP and remaining in the EU mainstream. Similar views of Hungary and France on the EU's future relations with Russia and the U.S. facilitate the fulfilment of the second scenario.]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Warsaw]]></dc:description>
<dc:description xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[The opposition's good results in the 2019 local elections did not weaken the government of Viktor Orbán. On the European stage, the extended suspension of the ruling party Fidesz's membership in the European People's Party (EPP) allowed it to avoid an escalation of its dispute with the EPP. Due to the foreseen economic slowdown, the government will focus in the remaining two years until the election on the permanent mobilisation of its electorate. In its European policy, it is preparing for both a split with the EPP and remaining in the EU mainstream. Similar views of Hungary and France on the EU's future relations with Russia and the U.S. facilitate the fulfilment of the second scenario.]]></dc:description>
<dc:publisher><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:publisher>
<dc:date><![CDATA[2020.03.31]]></dc:date>
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<dc:identifier><![CDATA[http://digit.pism.pl/Content/5856/Bulletin%20PISM%20no%2061%20(1491)%2031%20March%202020.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier><![CDATA[https://digit.pism.pl/dlibra/publication/6040/edition/5856/content]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier><![CDATA[oai:digit.pism.pl:5856]]></dc:identifier>
<dc:source xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Library of the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[PISM Bulletin no. 61 (1491), 2020]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[Library of the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:source>
<dc:source xml:lang="pl"><![CDATA[PISM Bulletin no. 61 (1491), 2020]]></dc:source>
<dc:language><![CDATA[eng]]></dc:language>
<dc:relation><![CDATA[Biuletyn PISM nr 61 (1993), 2020]]></dc:relation>
<dc:relation><![CDATA[oai:digit.pism.pl:publication:6040]]></dc:relation>
<dc:rights xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)]]></dc:rights>
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